The Coup – Not Yet Free

Kill My Landlord is the debut album by political hip hop group the Coup,

Released May 4, 1993
Throwback Music video for the day
The Coup – Not Yet Free

On May 4th, decades before James Todd Smith accidentally bartered the bloody residue of transatlantic slavery for some gold chains, I wore a $4.33 burnt orange du-rag and Cross Colours T-shirt to a record store called Camelot Music in Jackson, Miss. A few days earlier, before purchasing the du-rag or making the twenty-minute trek to Camelot in Mama’s hooptie, I popped a VHS with old episodes of Martin in my roommate’s VCR and I recorded a video onRap City by a new group from Oakland called The Coup. The song was called “Not Yet Free” and the unreleased album was entitled Kill My Landlord.

This was 1993.

I was six years removed from 2 Live Crew’s Move Somethin’ album cover ushering me into puberty; five years from BDP and Public Enemy revising revisionist American histories; five from NWA showing us all how and why we should f—- the police; three years from LL’s attempt at a “conscious” racial profiling song; two years from Ice Cube making the most provocative albumof the late 20th Century; one year from a predictable bloody rebellion in LA; and five months from Dr. Dre forcing us to reconsider everything we thought we knew about cinematic weed music, while birthing a puppy dog named Snoop. rolex watches

In Jackson, and other parts of the black belt, we were no longer the dutiful disciples of Holy Trinity of MCs — KRS,Kane and Rakim. We respected the gods, but we were done exclusively eavesdropping on the rhymes coming out of New York City. West coast music, as varied as it was, met us where we were and, truth be told, it was music we could see and hear. We also accepted that the west coast and the black belt were family, and had been since the second great migration of the 1940’s ushered thousands of southern black families to Los Angeles for jobs in the automotive and defense industries.

It’s true that the south, dismissed as culturally slow, meaningless and less hip (hop) than New York, had yet to, as Albert Murray wrote, lyrically stylize our southern worlds into significance. But if outsiders really listened to the musty movement behind the Geto BoysUGK and 8 Ball and MJG, they would have heard the din of deeply southern black boys and girls eager to keep it reallocal. We wanted to use hip-hop’s brash boast, confessional and critique to unapologetically order the chaos of our country lives through country lenses with little regard to whether it sounded like real hip-hop. Fashion watches

We were real blues people, familiar in some way or another with dirt. There were no skyscrapers and orange-brown projects stopping us from looking up and out. We didn’t know what it was like to move with enclosed subway trains slithering beneath our feet. And we liked it that way.

En route to lyrical acceptance of our dirty, we met ScarfaceIce CubePimp CBun BMC Renand D.O.C. And after a while, we realized that they were our cousins, our uncles, our best friends, us. We lyrically rode through Compton, Oakland, Port Arthur and Houston the same way we rode through Jackson, Meridian, Little Rock, New Orleans and Birmingham. We rode in long cars with windows down, bass quaking and air fresheners sparkling like Christmas tree ornaments.

We felt pride in knowing that the greatest producer alive was an uncle from Compton, and the most anticipated MC in the history of hip-hop was a lanky brother from Long Beach. We knew, no matter what anyone in New York said, the baddest MC on earth, song for song, album for album, was an aging cousin from South Central Los Angeles whose government name was O’Shea.

The Coup video with Boots, E-Roc and Pam exact replica watches

As inspirational as we found Dre’s music, Snoop’s flow and Cube’s criticism, an articulated fear and hatred of black women was part of what made them so nationally attractive. Like nearly all of our lyrical pedagogues, these MCs practiced a form of spectacular psychological and/or emotional dismantling of black women passed down by the practices, policies and patriarchy of America.

Chuck D and Flav had already told us all that women were “blind to the facts” of who they were because they watched the wrong television shows. Slick Rick warned us to pre-emptively treat women like prostitutes since all they did was “hurt and trample.” Too Short painted the freakiest of tales and constantly reminded us that the correct pronunciation of the words “woman” and/or “girl” was “bitch.”

Big Daddy Kane and Nice and Smooth let us know that no matter what we heard from Too Short, pimping was never easy. The Geto Boys showed us howto kick a woman in the ass if she claimed to be pregnant with our baby. Before we elected a modern Falstaff with hoish tendencies to the White House, MC Ren evocatively taught us how to gang rape a fourteen year old preacher’s daughter and sodomize any woman “saying that they never would suck a dick.”

This was 1993.

Back in my dorm room, I rewind-pause-played my way through the shifting points of view of “Not Yet Free.” I memorized all three verses the same night I saw it and told my boy, Eric Caples — a formidable MC himself — that I’d just heard the perfect rap song. The next day, in Eric’s room, I watched his face as he watched the video.

The first image beneath the boom of the 808 was a black woman standing upright in matching white necklace, bracelet and earrings. The woman had a sawed off shotgun on her back and a child in her arms. She looked directly into the face of the she child was nursing. As engrossing as the image was, Eric was mesmerized by what he heard.

The Coup’s DJ, a woman named “Pam, the Funkstress,” scratched — teased — variations of Ice Cube’s “Blacks are … Blacks … Blacks … Blacks are too f—-ing broke …” for 40 seconds before finally arriving at “Blacks are too f—-ing broke to be Republican.”

Eric bobbed his head to the beat and furrowed his brow when Boots rhymed, “Everyday I pulls a front so nobody pulls my card / I got a mirror in my pocket and I practice looking hard.” Neither of us had ever heard that kind of hyper-awareness of our hyper-awareness, not even from Ice Cube.

We both covered our mouths when the organ dropped and Boots explored his role in capitalism: “This web is made of money, made of greed, made of me. Oh, what I have become in a parasite economy.”

Eric closed his eyes and smiled at the precision, sensory details and familiarity of E-Roc’s verse and voice as he picked up where Boots left off.

“In the winter there’s a splinter with the smell of the rain
And the scent of the street, but all I smell is the pain
Of a brotha who’s a hustler and he’s stuck to the grind
Of a sista who’s a hooker gotta sell her behind.”

Later in the verse, E-Roc ruptured the individual desperation narrative, placing himself as an actor, agent and witness on the streets he previously described: “Now my dreams and aspiration go from single to whole / As I realize there’s a million motherf—-ers in the cold.”

Boots came back in at the end of the song, with a new point of view. The shift was marked by a minimal bass guitar and deepening of his voice. In the video, Boots’ words come out of the mouth of a pawn shop owner whose store is filled with guns we presume he’ll sell to brothers killing other brothers.

“N—-az, thugs, dope dealers and pimps
Basketball players, rap stars and simps
That’s what little black boys… are made of …
Sluts, hoes and press the naps around your neck
Broads, pop that coochie, b——es stay in check
That’s what little black girls… are made of …”

The point of view changed hands one more time, as Boots reoccupied his subject position and asked, “But if we’re made of that, who made us? / And what can we do to change us?” He delivered his last lines of the verse to pawn shop owner, the surveillance camera and, ultimately, to us.

I stopped the VCR before the end of the song to see what Eric Caples had to say. I told him that I was going to use my work-study check to buy some gas for Mama’s car, then drive the mall to buy the whole album tomorrow. I remember literally telling him that Boots was my new favorite MC and that I believed “Not Yet Free” could change hip-hop forever.

“It’s dope,” Eric eventually said about the song and video. “They can rap and that DJ can scratch. Boots ain’t no Snoop, though. And I can tell you right now that that tape won’t be noChronic either.”

I sucked my teeth, and rewound the VHS to the beginning of the video again.

Sitting on the floor of that dorm room, I would have sworn on everything I loved that hip-hop would never be the same after “Not Yet Free” and Kill My Landlord — even though I hadn’t heard it yet. I really knew that everything involving hip-hop, black boys, black girls, freedom, capitalism, raced oppression, truth, rape music, violence, white supremacy, honesty and me was about to change forever.

The next morning, with a pocket full of work-study money, I headed to Super D to buy some new clippers to cut my hair. The clippers were more expensive than I thought they’d be so I bought a du-rag instead. I put the du-rag on in Mama’s hooptie and headed to Camelot.

The manager told me that they didn’t carry Kill My Landlord and that he hadn’t even heard of The Coup. He claimed he could get one copy of the album in stock in 7-10 business days if I wanted him to. I thought hard about whether I’d have money for the album in 7-10 business days.

A half hour later, I purchased Above the Law’s Black Mafia Life and a three-piece from Popeyes.

Back in my dorm room, I blasted a song called, “Pimpology 101” and set my roommate’s VCR to record another episode of Rap City.

This was 1993.

Source: http://www.npr.org/blogs/therecord/2013/04/17/177326079/this-was-1993-20-years-ago-i-heard-the-perfect-rap-song?sc=tw&cc=twmp

Jailhouse Roc: The FACTS About Hip Hop and Prison for Profit

Homeboy Sandman

[Via Davey D’s Hip Hop Corner]

GoldenUndergroundTV recently released an interview I did with them late last year. I got a bit animated at the end. Only so many interviews in a row I could handle being asked about Chief Keef.

My tirade wasn’t really about Chief Keef. It wasn’t about Gucci Mane or Wocka Flocka or any of the acts spontaneously catapulted into stardom by synchronized mass media coverage despite seemingly universal indifference (at the very best) regarding their talent. Whose arrests, involvement in underaged pregnancies, concert shootouts, and facial tattoos, dominate conversation for weeks at a time, with their actual music a mere afterthought, if thought of at all. My tirade was about marketing. It was about media powers seeking out the biggest pretend criminal kingpins they can find, (many of whom who shamelessly adopt the names of actual real life criminal kingpins like 50 Cent and Rick Ross), and exalting them as the poster children for a culture. It was about an art form reduced to product placement, the selling of a lifestyle, and ultimately, a huge ad for imprisonment.

This is not my opinion.

Last year Corrections Corporation of America (CCA),

the biggest name in the private prison industry,

contacted 48 states offering to buy their prisons.

One stipulation of eligibility for the deal

was particularly bizarre: “an assurance by the agency partner that the agency has sufficient inmate population to maintain a minimum 90% occupancy rate over the term of the contract.

What kind of legitimate and ethical measures could possibly be taken to ensure the maintenance of a 90% prison occupancy rate?

Two months later an anonymous email was sent out to various members of the music and publishing industries giving an account of a meeting where it was determined that hip-hop music would be manipulated to drive up privatized prison profits. Its author, despite claiming to be a former industry insider, did not provide the names of anyone involved in the plot, nor did he specify by which company he himself was employed. As such, the letter was largely regarded as a fraud for lack of facts.

Here are facts:

Ninety percent of what Americans read, watch and listen to is controlled by only six media companies.     PBS’s Frontline has described the conglomerates that determine what information is disseminated to the public as a “web of business relationships that now defines America’s media and culture.” Business relationships.

Last year a mere 232 media executives were responsible for the intake of 277 million Americans, controlling all the avenues necessary to manufacture any celebrity and incite any trend. Time Warner, as owner of Warner Bros Records (among many other record labels), can not only sign an artist to a recording contract but, as the owner of Entertainment Weekly, can see to it that they get next week’s cover. Also the owner of New Line Cinemas, HBO and TNT, they can have their artist cast in a leading role in a film that, when pulled from theaters, will be put into rotation first on premium, then on basic, cable. Without any consideration to the music whatsoever, the artist will already be a star, though such monopolies also extend into radio stations and networks that air music videos. For consumers, choice is often illusory. Both BET and MTV belong to Viacom. While Hot 97, NYC’s top hip hop station, is owned by Emmis Communications, online streaming is controlled by Clear Channel, who also owns rival station Power 105.

None of this is exactly breaking news, but when ownership of these media conglomerates is cross checked with ownership of the biggest names in prison privatization, interesting new facts emerge.

According to public analysis from Bloomberg, the largest holder in Corrections Corporation of America is Vanguard Group Incorporated. Interestingly enough, Vanguard also holds considerable stake in the media giants determining this country’s culture. In fact, Vanguard is the third largest holder in both Viacom and Time Warner. Vanguard is also the third largest holder in the GEO Group, whose correctional, detention and community reentry services boast 101 facilities, approximately 73,000 beds and 18,000 employees. Second nationally only to Corrections Corporation of America, GEO’s facilities are located not only in the United States but in the United Kingdom, Australia and South Africa.

You may be thinking, “Well, Vanguard is only the third largest holder in those media conglomerates, which is no guarantee that they’re calling any shots.” Well, the number-one holder of both Viacom and Time Warner is a company called Blackrock. Blackrock is the second largest holder in Corrections Corporation of America, second only to Vanguard, and the sixth largest holder in the GEO Group.

There are many other startling overlaps in private-prison/mass-media ownership, but two underlying facts become clear very quickly: The people who own the media are the same people who own private prisons, the EXACT same people, and using one to promote the other is (or “would be,” depending on your analysis) very lucrative.

Such a scheme would mean some very greedy, very racist people.

There are facts to back that up, too.

Prison industry lobbyists developing and encouraging criminal justice policies to advance financial interests has been well-documented. The most notorious example is the Washington-based American Legislative Council, a policy organization funded by CCA and GEO, which successfully championed the incarceration promoting “truth in sentencing” and “three-strikes” sentencing laws. If the motive of the private prison industry were the goodhearted desire to get hold of inmates as quickly as possible for the purpose of sooner successfully rehabilitating them, maintenance of a 90% occupancy rate would be considered a huge failure, not a functioning prerequisite.

Likewise, the largest rise in incarceration that this country has ever seen correlates precisely with early-80′s prison privatization. This despite the fact that crime rates actually declined since this time. This decreasing crime rate was pointed out enthusiastically by skeptics eager to debunk last year’s anonymous industry insider, who painted a picture of popularized hip-hop as a tool for imprisoning masses.  What wasn’t pointed out was that despite crime rates going down, incarceration rates have skyrocketed. While the size of the prison population changed dramatically, so did its complexion. In “‘All Eyez on Me’: America’s War on Drugs and the Prison-Industrial Complex,” Andre Douglas Pond Cummings documents the obvious truth that “the vast majority of the prisoner increase in the United States has come from African-American and Latino citizen drug arrests.”

Add to this well-documented statistics proving that the so-called “war on drugs” has been waged almost entirely on low-income communities of color, where up until just two years ago, cocaine sold in crack form fetched sentences 100 times as lengthy as the exact same amount of cocaine sold in powdered form, which is much more common in cocaine arrests in affluent communities. (In July 2010 the oddly named Fair Sentencing Act was adopted, which, rather than reducing the crack/powder disparity from 100-to-1 to 1-to-1, reduced it to 18-to-1, which is still grossly unfair.) This is not to suggest that the crack/powder disparity represents the extent of the racism rampant within the incarceration industry. The U.S. Sentencing Commission reported in March 2010 that in the federal prison system, even where convicted for the exact same crimes, people of color received prison sentences 10% longer . Where convictions are identical, mandatory minimum sentences are also 21% more likely for people of color.

Finally, let us not forget the wealth of evidence to support the notion that crime-, drug- and prison-glorifying hip-hop only outsells other hip-hop because it receives so much more exposure and financial backing, and that when given equal exposure, talent is a much more reliable indicator of success than content.

Yasiin Bey (formerly Mos Def) put it best; “‘hip-hop” is just shorthand for ‘black people.’” Before our eyes and ears, a “web of business relationships that now defines America’s media and culture” has one particular business raking in billions of dollars while another defines the culture of a specific demographic as criminal. Both business are owned by the same people. Mainstream media continue to endorse hip-hop that glorifies criminality (most notably drug trafficking and violence), and private prison interests, long since proven to value profits over human rights, usher in inmates of color to meet capacity quotas. The same people disproportionately incarcerated when exposed to the criminal justice system are at every turn inundated with media normalizing incarceration to the point that wherever there is mainstream hip-hop music, reference to imprisonment as an ordinary, even expected, component of life is sure to follow.

Conspiracy theorists get a lot of flak for daring entertain the notion that people will do evil things for money. Historical atrocities like slavery and the Holocaust are universally acknowledged, yet simultaneously adopted is the contradictory position that there can’t possibly be any human beings around intelligent enough and immoral enough to perpetrate such things.  Even in the midst of the Europe-wide beef that was actually horse-meat fiasco, and the release of real-life nightmare documenting films like “Sunshine and Oranges,” there is an abundance of people content to believe that the only conspiracies that ever exist are those that have successfully been exposed.

The link between mass media and the prison industrial complex, however, is part of a very different type of conversation.

The information in this article was not difficult to find; it is all public.

This is not a conspiracy. This is a fact.

Time Warner Cable Holdings

Viacom Prison Holdings

CCA Holdings

Private Prisons Public Functions

All Eyes on Me.. War on Drugs

written by Homeboy Sandman

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FF5BddCHDfs

Source: http://hiphopandpolitics.wordpress.com/2013/04/24/jailhouse-roc-the-facts-about-hip-hop-and-prison-for-profit/

If You’re Not Actively Working for Peace, You Ain’t Hip-Hop

Boots Riley from the Coup, Jasiri X, and Mark Gonzales

Saturday, March 30th 2013

Last week we celebrated the birthdays of 2 of Hip-Hop’s founding fathers and icons, DJ Kool Herc and Afrika Bambaataa. This got me reflecting on the origins of Hip-Hop and how far we’ve gotten away from them. Afrika Bambaataa defined Hip-Hop as Peace, Love, Unity, and Having Fun. He used Hip-Hop to unite the gangs in New York City and give the youth in poor communities a outlet besides fighting and drug abuse. Most of what is being marketed to our children as Hip-Hop, is in fact the very opposite.

One of the most powerful comments to come out of the whole Rick Ross and Rape controversy was by Hip-Hop activist and former Vice Presidential candidate Rosa Clemente when she declared that artists like Rick Ross were not Hip-Hop, they are part of the Rap Industrial Complex. She’s 100% right, especially when looking at Hip-Hop’s roots. Hip-Hop is social activism, as stated in the above video, which features, Davey D, M1 from Dead Prez, Stahhr, Aisha Fukushima, Boots Riley, Jahi, Mark Gonzales and myself. And if you’re spitting raps promoting drug use, the abuse of women and glamorizing violence just to get paid, you ain’t Hip-Hop.

Feel free to check out and share my latest video about us rising up and challenging these forces that continue to exploit us and divide us. It’s called “Raise Your Flag” and it’s off of my new album “Ascension